Fact: in 2014 Jobbik won 11.5 percent at the parliamentary elections, 14.7 percent at the elections for European Parliament and has 8 mayors. It leaves analysts agape why. We carry excerpts from the transcript of a brutally candid round table discussion of noted social scientists.
Numerous questions need to be answered across the political spectrum in the wake of the national-radical Jobbik party having won a special election at Tapolca, 140 km southwest of the capital, Budapest, ahead of the candidate each of the Fidesz-KDNP ruling coalition and the opposition Socialists.
Massive soul-searching is underway in Hungary's ruling Fidesz party to find out why did its voters stay away from the polls at the by-election in town of Veszprém on February 22, 2015, and thereby let an independent candidate win?
In his blog Gábor G. Fodor (40), a leading mind of the rightwing think tank Századvég, has this to say of himself: “I'm not an analyst. I'm a political thinker.” Look at excerpts from a lengthy interview - which has caused considerable excitement in the Hungarian political class.
Let's have a look at six recent episodes when the Hungarian government had to correct its policies in view of popular indignation.
Gábor Török draws a parallel between former PM Ferenc Gyurcsány of 2007 and Viktor Orbán's present situation. Challenging his stance, Gábor G. Fodor is convinced that the recent demonstrations came in time to oblige Fidesz to rethink is policies and will rebound.
The recent demonstrations are just the first step to create a democratic political community in Hungary and the organizers plan to ratchet up the process in January, Gábor Vágó, a former legislator for the LMP Politics Can Be Different party says in an interview with the business weekly Figyelő.
In-depth political and ideological analysis of why the Left-Liberals and the Right cannot understand each other in Hungary.
Népszabadság has sought written responses from top analysts with differing political affiliations to a series of questions at the forefront of public interest in October 2014. The questions: Has the Fidesz party's Achilles' heel been found? If not, what might that Achilles' heel be, assuming it has one? If yes, how come it was the Internet tax of all things? Is there anything that Viktor Orbán might go up against where he'd come out the loser? If so, what is it?
By putting his Internet tax plans on the back burner, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán also hushed his own internal opposition. Not that he can sit back: he has been making enemies ever since he launched his “freedom fights” in 2010.
For Fidesz, magnanimity sometimes comes out looking like a systems failure, say both analysts Gábor G. Fodor and Gábor Török, who also agree that United States Charge d'Affaires André Goodfriend is a competent professional. But what else do the Americans have up their sleeve?
June 2014: the newly installed Fidesz-led government is laying the groundwork for the next four-year term. As far as the selection of ministers and state secretaries is concerned, continuity is the name of the game. However, by rewriting the law on the local government elections, a twenty-year old system is to be modified. The latter change doesn't seem to be favorable for Budapest's incumbent mayor, István Tarlós, and some observers even question its constitutionality.
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